GEBRU ASRAT PDF

View the profiles of people named Gebru Asrat. Join Facebook to connect with Gebru Asrat and others you may know. Facebook gives people the power to. Gebru Asrat. + Add or change photo on IMDbPro». Contribute to IMDb. Add a bio , trivia, and more. Update information for Gebru Asrat». prevail, and above all democracy would be the norm of Ethiopian society. Contrary to these assertions, Gebru. Asrat (hereafter referred to as Gebru), in his book.

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Reviewed by Desta, Asayehgn, Ph. It was not only highly skilled in military operations but was visionary. Thus, in the earlier times, TPLF did not reflect on the socio-cultural history of Ethiopia during its armed struggle. In the case of Eritrea, Gebru states that the TPLF had a crystal clear belief that Eritrea was a colony of Ethiopia and believed that the independence asrrat Eritrea was possible not by deliberating with the ruling fascist military regime but through the barrels of the gun.

After carefully studying and reflecting on the history of Ethiopia, the author, Gebru, yebru come to the point of discarding what he was socialized to master by the ideologies of the TPLF. For example, on Eritrea, he has come to asserting that Eritrea was part of Ethiopia, except that it was occupied by Italy during the colonial days.

To justify his point, Gebru argues that in Emperor Menelik of Ethiopia had an agreement with Italy that Italy would return Eritrea to Ethiopia when it left. Therefore, the question we need to ask Gebru at this juncture is: Furthermore, Gebru argues in retrospect that the slogan created in by the then Prime Minister Meles that the economy of Ethiopia would rebound if a renaissance of Ethiopia was declared, was nothing but a window dressing slogan.

As argued by Gebru, the Algiers Agreement was deliberately designed by Meles and his group to give additional land to Eritrea that it never asked for.

Eritrea was completely devastated during the war period. The author was kind enough to entertain constructive criticisms on the six chapters of his book.

In this chapter Gebru attempts to correct some of major ahistorical accounts about Eritrean Colonialism that the TPLF has portrayed over the years. Furthermore, the chapter highlights the controversial issues that started within the TPLF and the rocky relationship that existed between the TPLF and other armed organizations that were struggling in Ethiopia.

Chapter 3 of the book gives a description of asart relationship between Ethiopia and Eritrea from to Chapter 4 of the book discusses the war between Ethiopia and Eritrea. In Chapter 5 the writer gberu his account how the post Ethio-Eritrean war gave asart upper hand to then Prime Minister Meles and his group, giving full control of the apparatus of the Ethiopian state. In Chapter 6 the author describes that until Prime Minister Meles opened wide the door to allow different political parties to fully participate in the existing Ethiopian political scene.

The honorable Gebru Asrat and his politics

However, the author contends that as the Prime Minister saw that his Party had been losing ground and the Addis Ababa parliamentarian seats within the Federal Government were on the verge of being controlled by the opposing parties, he reversed his position and as a dictator he restricted all the opposing parties from open access to political activities throughout the country then and in the future. What is more disturbing, the author describes that Prime Minister Meles was determined to the extent of deliberately infringing upon the rights that had been accorded to the many ethnic groups and nationalities in Ethiopia.

In conclusion, the author gives to policy makers six possible suggestions so that they might mend the situation in Ethiopia. The author is of the opinion that his book has a different perspective than those books that have been published thus far. To those who had a different understanding about TPLF, reading the book can give them a different perspective of the TPLF and the ability to examine the management system that it followed after it come to power.

Mainly, as Gebru had been with Meles for more than twenty years, it is possible to say that as a student of history and politics Gebru might have given us an accurate description of the thinking and the political calibers of the late Prime Minister Meles.

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As clearly given in the bibliography, Gebru has systematically used both primary and secondary sources. Gebru has given the needed ammunition that the opposition group has been searching for during the last twenty years. Also, the fact that the book is written in Amharic is a clever marketing strategy.

Regrettably, as an academician I could say that the author has failed to give us a theoretical framework and pinpoint the underlying factors that contribute to the idea of sovereignty as a concept.

In addition, the flaw of the book is that it does not operationalize the different dimensions of sovereignty. I think the author needs further reading on the literature that relates to international relations. Given his radical thinking, I cannot imagine that Gebru would think that those nations that contributed to the balkanization of Africa or who are restlessly involved in destabilizing the African continent are going to indulge in good conscience by helping Ethiopia to have sovereignty over the Red Sea?

Similarly, if it is practiced in Ethiopia, the author fails to give us the factors that explain democracy. By the way, is Ethiopia an emerging democracy or is it still struggling to apply asrxt centralized political or the planned centered system that the fighters were socialized to exercise? For example, the writer should have drawn some case studies from the Tigrai Region to illustrate some of the things he did in that region where he was President for more than six years.

In short, case studies from his region would have supported his scholarly claims and would have helped the readers to appreciate some of the empirical works he did while he was the governor of Tigrai, then the book could have contributed to the knowledge in his field.

Similarly, Aragawip. As the ratio of TPF-TPLF fighters was one to three or four, it was believed this tactic was the most efficient and likely to cause the least or no bloodshed. It was carried out as planned, but two of the TLF fighters were killed in a skirmish that got out of hand. The distribution of foreign aid to the starving masses in Tigrai during the war is still a burning issue and it is at the heart of mass media critiques.

As discussed above, Gebru has forwarded a number of suggestions for policy makers. This suggestion might rekindle the heart of an Ethiopian nationalist but given the reality we have gsbru this juncture, I asraf it looks like wishful thinking. Also, as I said before, the western nations look at any situation in term of their interest. For example, investors from western nations and for that matter other countries as well are likely to come to Ethiopia for only one purpose and that is to exploit its natural resources or for land grabbing purposes.

Most of gebr accumulated foreign exchange from exports has asrrat used to subsidize the rich and ruling class in Ethiopia. Instead of pushing the local people to marginal lands as is the case of foreign agricultural investment in Gambella and other regions, I suggest that it is our responsibility to learn from and then train the local peoples how to use their resources wisely.

I agree with Gebru that federating Eritrea with Ethiopia in was a miscalculation by the United Nations. Since they had irreconcilable differences, federating Eritrea with Ethiopia was like mixing apples with oranges.

In retrospect, had the United Nations, as planned, allocated the Port of Assab to Ethiopia and allowed Eritreans to choose whether to be part of Ethiopia or be autonomous for at least ten years and then decide to be part gwbru Ethiopia or to be independent, then we would not have had the current mess that exists in that region now.

I am sure, during the ten years, Ethiopia would have reformed its archaic system in order to entice Eritrea to be part it. Similarly, the Eritreans would have experienced what it means to live harmoniously with their neighbors, because unlike now Eritrea would have not earned foreign remittance from its citizens. The problem that I see in Ethiopia and Eritrea is that the two countries have never had the chance to undergo thorough, effective learning and reflective processes to appreciate what they have in common.

Otherwise, they would not have adrat with their parochial views nor live in destitution in the era of globalization. Now Gebru is suggesting that there should a peaceful reconciliation between Ethiopia and Eritrea.

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This might be possible, provided febru present policy makers in Ethiopia and Eritrea are willing to settle gfbru cases amicably. Though I agree with Gebru and as I have written widely on the subject, the present form of federal government in Ethiopia was designed in to asrag different ethnic-based groups.

The question I have for Gebru is then, why was Article 39 of the Ethiopian Constitution copied from somewhere else and pasted in to be a part genru the Ethiopian Constitution when he was in power? Has Article 39 of the Ethiopian Constitution been encouraging the different nationalities in Ethiopia to agitate instead of settling peacefully as part of Ethiopia?

All they want is to have a federal government that encourages and promotes self-rule, a self-rule that would help them to participate in the nomination and election of their own representatives.

Gebru Asrat –

As stated in his book, Gebru would agree with me that the existing federal structure that we have in Ethiopia has to be altered and amended to cope with the challenges that are arising. See Desta The cornerstone of a democratic federal polity is based on diversity. Among other things, the most viable and egbru condition for an Ethiopian federal government is to encourage and require each community to choose its own representatives in government.

So as Gebru has suggested, the practice of a sound democratic system in Ethiopia needs to be based on transparency, power sharing, and an allowance for effective checks and balances.

See also, Desta, To illustrate the current economic system in Ethiopia, Gebru has identified numerous reliable sources of information. In addition when the Multi-dimensional Poverty rate is taken into consideration, in alone about 87 percent of the Ethiopian people lived below the poverty line.

The rate of unemployment among Ethiopian youths is close to 30 percent. In addition, Gebru argues that though the Aseat economy is supposedly growing at the rate of 7.

In addition, Gebru gives us a clear picture of the glaring inequity that has existed in Ethiopia. As a caveat, I would like to add that that the government in Ethiopia promotes that it is universalizing primary education while the dynamics on the ground reveal that primary public schools in Ethiopia are inadequate furnished.

In addition, as Gebru said asat his book, the helpless school children are socialized to master the ideology of the ruling class. The school administrators asrar the various gerbu schools are not based on professional qualification but on political cadres.

The current dual schooling system in Ethiopia is challenging and highly disturbing. As Gebru sees it, the present system in Ethiopia encourages cronyism and corruption. In reviewing gerbu book, the principal criteria included, purpose, content, organization, and reference sources.

Starting with the Axumite kingdom, the author, as a former student of history, has shown the detailed progression of Ethiopian history. The tone of the book reflects a learned appreciation for historical documentation. To reiterate, the book is well documented and is worthy to read.

Sovereignty and Democracy in Ethiopia: Revolt, Ideology, and Mobilization in Ethiopia: Ethiopia and Egypt disagree again on the Ethiopian Renaissance Dam. I am robbed my house in a broad day light – Ms. Asrt opposition parties are setting themselves up for failure again. Eritrean government supporter websites say Eritrea should attack Ethiopia now. Ethiopian Airlines has secured a USD Ethiopia is the biggest UN peacekeeping troops contributor nation in the world.

A Minnow Political Merchant. Ebola virus main symptoms, signs and what you can do to protect yourself – Read about it. Reflection The author is of the opinion that his book has a arat perspective than those books that have been published thus far. See DestaThe cornerstone of a democratic federal polity is based on diversity.

See also, Desta, To illustrate the current economic system in Ethiopia, Gebru has identified numerous reliable sources of information.

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